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Harry S.
Truman: “The Truman Doctrine”
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress.
The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved.
One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.
The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance.
Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.
Greece is not a rich country.
Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet.
Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine.
More than a thousand villages had been burned.
Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular.
Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared.
Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.
As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.
Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence.
Under these circumstances, the people of Greececannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction.
Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds.
These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad.
Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery.
The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the governments authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries.
A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.
Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation.
The Greek army is small and poorly equipped.
It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory.
Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy.
The United States must supply this assistance.
We have already extended to Greececertain types of relief and economic aid.
But these are inadequate.
There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.
No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.
The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st.
Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis.
But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.
It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration.
It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
No government is perfect.
One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected.
The Government of Greece is not perfect.
Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year.
Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.
It has made mistakes.
The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do.
We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left.
We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
Greeks [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.
The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.
The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece.
Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.
And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.
Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.
That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.
The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.
As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it.
We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.
One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.
This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.
Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.
The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members.
We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes.
This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will.
The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria.
I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life.
The choice is too often not a free one.
One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.
The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority.
It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.
The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred.
But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration.
In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation.
If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious.
Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.
Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much.
Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.
Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action.
I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.
In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished.
I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.
Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.
If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress.
On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.
This is a serious course upon which we embark.
I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.
The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II.
This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.
The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment.
It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.
The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want.
They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife.
They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.
If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world.
And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.
Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.
I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.
Real change, the kind we have not seen in decades is only going to come from outside the system. And it’s only going to come from a man who’s spent his entire life doing whatothers said could not be done. My father is a fighter. When the primaries got tough and they were tough, he did what any great leader does. He dug deeper,worked harder, got better and became stronger.I have seen him fight for his family. I have seen him fight for his employees. I have seen him fight for his company. And now, I am seeing him fight for our country. It’s been the story of his life and more recently the spirit of his campaign. It’s also a prelude to reaching the goal that unites us all. When this party and better still this country knows what it is like to win again.If it’s possible to be famous and yet not really well done, that describes the father who raised me. In the same office in Trump Tower, where we now work together, I remember playing on the floor by my father’s desk, constructing miniature buildings with Legos and Erector sets, while he did the same with concrete steel and glass.
I deeply respect and honor women who choose to work inside the home full-time to care for their families. We never want to discourage that incredible calling, but we must also ensure that every woman has the freedom to work outside of the home – if they so choose.
Therefore, in order to empower women to reach our full economic potential, we must embrace four fundamental changes that will propel us into the future.
First, as leaders in both business and government, we must pave the way in modernizing the workplace.
While the percentage of working women has dramatically increased, corporate expectations have remained all-too stagnant.
Today, in the United States, women now comprise 47 percent of the workforce.
In the vast majority of American homes with children, all parents work – and in 40 percent of households, women are the primary breadwinners.
Yet, work environments and social institutions still largely operate on a single-earner mindset, in which one parent – traditionally the mother – stays at home to provide full time care.
All too often, our workplace culture has failed to treat women with appropriate respect. This takes many forms, including harassment, which can never be tolerated.
Traditional and rigid corporate culture also fails working mothers – and fathers – who work long and often wildly unpredictable hours and get little time off.
Too many mothers dread telling their boss they must stay home to take care of a sick child – and many must go back to work just weeks after having a new baby – because they can’t afford not to.
Every day, working parents are forced to make hard but unavoidable choices.
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the worlds peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright an d very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world -- the new world in which we now live -- instead of a place of mastery.
To be in the presence of a Rothko painting is to do far more than stand and admire a picture.
It is to have an experience.
The results of that experience depend upon the individual.
They range from the profound and moving perhaps even to the bemused.
Rothko's masterpieces are that.
Classified as, Abstract Expressionism, the paintings that he produced in the last twenty years of his life are some of the most remarkable and identifiable images of the twentieth century.
There is no ambiguity about Mark Rothko's genius, nor his intensity and his desire to create something intense and emotional.
He was, to the end of his life, uncompromising and brave in his belief and search for expression.
Mark Rothko's career as a painter spans five decades.
His life began in Russian Latvia and he came as an immigrant to America.
His heritage and life fuses European traditions and European and American modernism.
His work stands as some of the most powerful but uneasy pictures ever committed to canvas.
In the end illness, depression and eventually suicide brought his life to a close.
His work endures as a magnificent testament to a supreme artist who created a new and impassioned form of abstract painting.
Yet Rothko would have hoped it was more than that.
He might have hoped that those who came to see his work in the right setting might have an encounter akin to a religious experience.
There's no denying that his work is extraordinarily powerful.
It resonates with an energy, either uplifting or brooding.
It does not leave you alone.
In front of Rothko, you are forced to confront yourself.
You are drawn into an experience.
You feel dwarfed by the presence of something you cannot quite explain or comprehend.
Many people witnessing his work report feelings that are emotional and tearful.
No reproduction or photograph of his work can possibly do the original justice.
To feel the power of his work you have to be there in front of it.
What is certain is that Rothko was one of the pre-eminent artists of his generation.
His influences were many and his influence extends to composers and musicians as well as to painters.
There seems to be something about his best work that defies words.
Perhaps that is why titles and names for his work became redundant to him.
The artist himself chose to use numbers to identify works.
There were many attempts to commission Rothko to produce work to hang in public spaces.
There were not all successful.
Perhaps the most famous is the Rothko Chapel in Huston.
This experiment was years in the making and preparation.
The obsessive effort involved might even have contributed to Rothko's depression and his death.
Yet there is something about Rothko's work that begs to be hung in public spaces.
Rothko himself would not have wanted those spaces to be art museums.
There is something spiritual about the experience we have confronting his work.
Yet attempts to describe the work often fails.
Rothko himself found words inadequate preferring eventually to let the paintings exist in silence.
He tired of trying to explain what he saw as a fundamentally emotional and non-verbal experience.
Critics and the public alike disagree to this day, how far he succeeded in his quest to represent this.
Rothko was uncompromising.
Commissioned to provide work for a restaurant on Park Avenue, he produced forty paintings over three months.
He then decided to abandon the project, unhappy that his work should hang in a restaurant.
Much of that work now resides in museums in the US, London and Japan.
The work he produced was unique, powerful and individual.
A Rothko painting is an iconic image.
The canvasses he chose to work on were by most standards huge.
This is not art for the small room or the fainthearted.
A vast Rothko canvas might ty///picprise of floating rectangles of colour.
They work with and against each other.
They range from light and energising yellows and reds towards much deeper and far more sombre hues.
Whatever their variation, they never cease to convey a deep feeling of sensuality.
If you close your eyes or turn your back on a Rothko, you can feel its presence hovering and burning behind you.
His work shimmers with power and intensity.
The paintings are hypnotic and powerful.
Perhaps the clues to such extraordinary work and output come partly from the characters Rothko grew up with and the circles he mixed in.
His family of Russian Jewish extraction found themselves outcasts in their own country.
Immigrating to the US, the Rothkowitz's arrived at Ellis Island in the winter of 1913.
By 1914, Marcus Rothkowitz's father was dead.
Yet Marcus, who would change his name to Mark before WWII, was a bright and eager student.
With four languages at his disposal and as many cultural influences, he graduated from High School at seventeen years of age.
He won a scholarship to Yale, although he dropped out citing the Yale community as too elitist and racist for his taste.
It was not until 1923 that he witnessed, by accident, his first art class and began his life as an artist.
The Rothko that would find fame and fortune after WWII was still a long way off.
Enrolled in the New School of Design, Rothkowitz's tutors included GORKY and MAX WEBER.
New York at the time was a hotbed atmosphere revelling in modernism.
The galleries showed modernist paintings and the museums were to prove an invaluable resource for a budding artist.
Rothko had his own showing in 1928 and a year later he was teaching classes in sculpture and painting.
Rothko was a great thinker and debater.
He wrote, although never completed a book, on his theories linking modernism with primitive and children's intuitive art.
His work developed and he began to incorporate classical myths and symbolism.
In common with many, Rothko read and was influenced by Freud, Jung, and the concept of the collective unconscious.
The rise of Nazism forced the immigration to the US of many celebrated and avant-garde artists, Miro, Dali, Ernst and Breton among them.
Symbolism and modern art had taken New York by storm.
As heady and exciting as all this was, Rothko was still searching for a fresher mode of expression.
He broke away from symbolism into what have been called, 'multi form' paintings.
In these, his use of bright abstract colour emerged.
They were unique, in that they seemed to possess a life and energy of their own.
Yet at the same time, they were blurred blocks of colour without recognisable form.
There were not landscapes as such, nor human figures, or symbols.
In this work and the extraordinary work that was to follow, it seemed as if Rothko had abandoned traditional artistic aims altogether.
His work seemed more to do with a spiritual quest than a representation or interpretation of an object.
As he developed his ideas through these forms and experience, it occurred to Rothko that even specific titles for his work were too restrictive.
As Rothko struggled with his vision and expression, his personal life suffered.
He fought depression, alcoholism and after a second marriage break up and then his mother's death, he retreated into seclusion.
The resulting work was to be extraordinary.
For seven years, he painted in oils on vast canvasses.
These have the effect of immersing the viewer, providing a feeling of intimacy and awe.
During the 1950's Rothko travelled widely still seeking out art and revelling in the Italian frescoes.
Conversely, as fame and fortune found him, so he began to doubt his work was being appreciated for the right reasons.
Former friends, perhaps jealous of his commercial success, accused him of betrayal and of selling out.
Buying a Rothko, it seemed, was a prudent and sound financial investment for an art collector.
Frustration trying to verbalise or explain his art caused him to further shy away from discussing his work.
That same work seemed to express real human emotions, from tragedy to ecstasy.
Critics see Rothko's move towards dark and brooding colours as symptomatic of his depression.
As his retrospective is held in the Museum of Modern Art, Pop Art is already the next 'big thing.
' Rothko is scathing in his opinion of those who have not paid their dues and calls the movement, the tragedy of art as a commodity.
Perhaps the commissioning of what became the Rothko chapel, was the fitting place for this genius' work to be experienced.
To Rothko's delight, it would be far from the hub of fashionable New York.
The distance meant that people who wanted the experience would have to be prepared to make the journey.
It would be a journey not unlike a religious pilgrimage.
The fourteen pieces of work that hang there took Rothko six years to produce.
They are, by all accounts, an awesome experience to view, and according to some the zenith of darkness and unpredictability.
Rothko never saw the culmination of his life's work completed.
His depression and suicide in 1970 ended a life that was intense and at times painful and traumatic.
The work he left behind is no less powerful.
They are, perhaps, some of the most resonant paintings ever committed to canvas by an artist.
The answer is no. I could have brought myparents to a new place for buffet breakfast on an awesome autumn Sunday morning, I could have bought a SUV in Xiamen and move them around. I didn’t, due to various restrictions.
Would I choose a different path had we got achance to turn the clock back to the time when I was in my early 20s? I don't thinkso. Let me tell you why.
I quite agree with the following the quote fromB. J. Neblett.
“We are the sum total of our experiences. Thoseexperiences – be they positive or negative – make us the person we are, at anygiven point in our lives.”
Part of the reasons why we are who we are todayis those experiences and those people we have encountered over the years. In hindsight, I can’t even tell whether certain decisions I have made, certain paths I have taken, are right or wrong. We may regret for those things we didn’t do enough. What we can is to make up for it within our capacity while it is in time, while your parents are still alive, while your kids haven’t entered puberty stage.
Over to you, Toastmaster.
The key point is honest: Saying is nothing. It's all about acting.
In daily life, would you choose to play or to be cool, or choose to get things done? Choose to make things happen?
He stated that people should self-recognize. What's your strengths and weaknesses? It's rational and need to be honest to self.
You must be honest to yourself and find your automatic passion. So therefore, are you willing to sacrifice all these temptations to prevent you from practicing your arts., he said.
It seems like he gambled everything he's having. The fact is that he calculated a lot, and sign a few contracts. It is to make sure his business can survive and feed him for half year.
We need to be brave to create our own business, but we also need to prepare very well, and think rationally.
Practice Makes Permanence
Contract to "Practice makes perfect", he believes there is no prefection:
You will only have a much higher probability not to mess things up, but there is no perfection.
Youth will press
Saying goodbye to childhood,we step into another important time in the pace of young,facing new situations,dealing with different problems……
everyone has his ownunderstanding of young,it is a period of time of beauty and wonders,only after you have experienced the sour ,sweet ,bitter and salty can you really become a person of significance.
thre time of young is limitted,it may pass by without your attention,and when you discover what has happened ,it is always too the young well means a better time is waiting for you in the near future,or the situation may be opposite .
having a view on these great men in the history of hunmanbeing,they all made full use of their youth time ,to do things that are useful to society,to the whole mankind,and as a cosquence ,they are remembered by later generations,admired by everyone.so do something in the time of young,although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole word,just for youeself,for those around!
the young is just like blooming flowers,they are so beautiful when blooming,they make people feel happy,but with time passing by,after they withers ,moet people think they are ugly.
and so it is the same with young,we are enthusiastic when we are young,then we may lose our passion when getting older and older.
so we must treasure it ,don't let the limitted time pass by ,leaving nothing of significance.
译文：
青春终将散场
告别童年，我们步入了青春的步伐的另一个重要时刻，面临新的形势，处理不同的问题。
每个人对年轻，都有他自己的理解，这是一段美丽和奇迹，只有在你经历了酸甜苦辣，你真的能成为一个人的意义。
青春的时光是有限的，稍不注意转瞬即逝，当你发现已不再年轻时，为时已晚矣。所以我们要把握年轻，一个更加美好的时光在不久的将来等着你，否则你将失去这些。
过去的那些伟人，他们都充分利用了自己的青春时光，做一些对社会是有益的，对整个人类，作为一个时代的创造者，他们被后人的每个人所铭记。所以年轻的时候要做好自己，即使你可能做不到这些伟人的成就，但至少可以为为自己，为周围的人做点什么！
年轻就像盛开的花朵，他们是如此美丽盛开的时候，他们让人们感到满意，但随着时间的推移，岁月会让你变老。
年轻人，在我们热情年轻时候，保持你的激情，不要在激情中变老。
所以我们一定要珍惜它，不要让有限的青春白白逝去，没有留下任何的意义。
Thank you so much.
Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward.
今夜，在当年的殖民地赢得了决定自己命运的权利200多年以后，让美利坚合众国更加完美的任务又向前推进了一步。
It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people.
这一进程是因为你们而向前推进的，因为你们再次确认了那种使美国胜利克服了战争和萧条的精神，那种使美国摆脱绝望的深渊并走向希望的最高点的精神，以及那种虽然我们每个人都在追求自己的个人梦想、但我们同属一个美国大家庭、并作为一个国家和民族共同进退的信仰。
Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America the best is yet to come.
今夜，在此次选举中，你们这些美国人民提醒我们，虽然我们的道路一直艰难，虽然我们的旅程一直漫长，但我们已经让自己振作起来，我们已经发起反击，我们在自己内心深处知道，对美利坚合众国来说，最美好一切属于未来。
I want to thank every American who participated in this election, whether you voted for the very first time or waited in line for a very long time. By the way, we have to fix that. Whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone, whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard and you made a difference.
我想感谢所有参加此次选举的美国人，无论你是首次参加选举还是为投票曾长时间排队等候。顺便说一句，我们需要解决这些问题。无论你是到投票站投票还是发传真投票，无论你选的是奥巴马还是罗姆尼，你都让别人听到了自己的声音，你都让美国因你而不同。
I just spoke with Gov. Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. We may have battled fiercely, but it’s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future. From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service and that is the legacy that we honor and applaud tonight. In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Gov. Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.
我要对罗姆尼州长说几句话，我对他和保罗•莱恩在这次竞争激烈的选举中的表现表示祝贺。我们可能争夺得很激烈，但这仅仅是因为我们深爱着这个国家以及我们如此强烈地关心着它的未来。从乔治到勒诺到他们的儿子米特，罗姆尼家族选择了通过公共服务来回报美国，那是一种我们今夜表示敬重和赞许的遗产。我期待着今后几周能与罗姆尼州长坐下来讨论一下我们可以从何处着手一起努力将美国推向前进。
I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America’s happy warrior, the best vice president anybody could ever hope for, Joe Biden.
我想对我在过去四年中的朋友和伙伴表示感谢。他就是美国的快乐战士、无出其右的最佳副总统乔•拜登。
And I wouldn’t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. Let me say this publicly: Michelle, I have never loved you more. I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you, too, as our nation’s first lady. Sasha and Malia, before our very eyes you’re growing up to become two strong, smart beautiful young women, just like your mom. And I’m so proud of you guys. But I will say that for now one dog’s probably enough.
如果不是那位前同意嫁给我的女性，我不会成为今天的我。请让我公开说出下面这段话：米切尔，我对你的爱无以复加，我无比骄傲地看到其他美国人也爱上了你这位我们国家的第一夫人。萨沙和玛利亚，在我们所有人的见证下你们正成长为两个坚强、聪明和美丽的年轻女性，就像你们的妈妈一样。我十分以你们为荣。不过我要说的是，眼下家里养一条狗或许已经够了。
To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics. The best. The best ever. Some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning. But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together and you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president. Thank you for believing all the way, through every hill, through every valley. You lifted me up the whole way and I will always be grateful for everything that you’ve done and all the incredible work that you put in.
在这个有史以来的最佳竞选团队和有史以来的最佳志愿者队伍中，你们有些人是这次新加入进来的，有些人则是一开始就在我身边。但你们所有人都属于一个大家庭。无论你的工作是什么，无论你从哪里来，你们都将获得我们共同创造的历史记忆，你们都将被一位充满感激之情的总统终生感激。感谢你们始终充满信心，无论是在高峰还是在低谷。你们鼓舞着我走完整个选举过程，我对你们所做的每件事、你们所做的每项不可思议的工作将一直充满感激。
I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics that tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym, or saw folks working late in a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you’ll discover something else.
我知道政治角力有时会显得小家子气甚至愚蠢。它为愤世嫉俗者提供了足够的口实，他们告诉我们政治不过是自负者之间的竞争，是特殊利益集团的地盘。但如果你曾经有机会与参加我们集会的那些人以及高中体育馆内挤在隔离绳外的那些人攀谈，或者看到那些在远离家乡的偏远小县的竞选办公室内加班工作的人，你会发现一些别的东西。
You’ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organizer who’s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. You’ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who’s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. You’ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who’s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they come home.
你将从一位年轻的活动现场组织者的声音里听到他的决心，他边在大学里学习边从事助选工作，他希望确保每个孩子都能拥有同样的机会。你将从一位志愿者的声音里听到她的骄傲，她挨门动员选民是因为她哥哥终因当地一家汽车制造厂增加了一个班次而有了工作。你将从一对军人夫妇的声音里听到深深的爱国情怀。他们深夜时还在接听选举电话，以确保那些曾经为这个国家作战的人不会返回家园时还要为得到一份工作或栖身之所而苦苦争斗。
That’s why we do this. That’s what politics can be. That’s why elections matter. It’s not small, it’s big. It’s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy.
正因为如此，我们要进行选举。这是政治所能够实现的。正因为如此，选举很重要。这不是小事，而是大事，是至关重要的事。在一个有三亿人口的国家实行民主制度可能嘈杂不堪、一团混乱、情况复杂。我们有自己的观点。我们每个人都有自己深信的信仰。当我们经历艰难时期，当我们作为一个国家做出重大决定时，这必然会激发热情，也必然会引发争议。
That won’t change after tonight, and it shouldn’t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty. We can never forget that as we speak people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.
今晚过后，这都不会改变，也不应该改变。我们进行的这些争论恰恰体现了我们的自由。我们永远不应忘记，就在我们讲话之际，遥远国度的人们现在正冒着生命危险，仅仅是为了获得一个能够对重要问题进行争论、像我们今天这样投票的机会。
But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America’s future. We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers. A country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation, with all the good jobs and new businesses that follow.
不过，尽管我们存在这样那样的分歧，我们大多数人都对美国的未来有着某些共同的希望。我们希望我们的孩子成长的国家能够让他们上最好的学校、接受最好老师的教导。一个无愧于全球技术、探索和创新领袖光辉历史的国家，倘能如此，各种好工作和新企业将随之而来。
We want our children to live in an America that isn’t burdened by debt, that isn’t weakened by inequality, that isn’t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet. We want to pass on a country that’s safe and respected and admired around the world, a nation that is defended by the strongest military on earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known. But also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war, to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.
我们希望我们的孩子能够生活在一个没有债务之累、没有不公之苦、没有全球变暖带来的破坏之虞的美国。我们希望留给后代一个安全、受到全球尊重和赞赏的国家，一个由全球有史以来最强大的军事力量和最好的部队保卫的国家，一个满怀信心走过战争、在人人享有自由和尊严的承诺之上构建和平的国家。
We believe in a generous America, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America, open to the dreams of an immigrant’s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag. To the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner. To the furniture worker’s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a president – that’s the future we hope for. That’s the vision we share. That’s where we need to go – forward. That’s where we need to go.
我们坚信一个慷慨的美国、一个富有同情心的美国、一个宽容的美国。美国向一位移民的女儿的梦想打开了大门，让她有机会在我们的学校学习、对着我们的国旗宣誓；美国向芝加哥南部地区的一个小男孩打开了大门，让有机会他看到一个最近街角以外的远大人生；美国向北卡罗来纳州的一位家具工人的孩子打开了大门，让他有机会实现自己当医生或科学家、工程师或企业家、外交官甚至是总统的梦想，这是我们希望的未来。这是我们共同的愿景。这是我们奔赴的方向，向前的方向。这是我们需要实现的目标。